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ENGLISH: The Norman conquest of Sicily detached the island from its North African framework, and a century of Latin Christian rule e"ectively transformed its society. But the island was not completely disconnected from the southern Mediterranean, as long term trade contacts, political links and military ambitions intervened to cast relations between the two sides. A Norman thalassocracy in the mid-12th century created a short-lived political bridge between Europe and Africa. In the age of the crusades, regional forces across the central Mediterranean could not be contained within the model of direct Christian rule experimented in the Latin east. !e present chapter studies the transition from informal control to the establishment of direct rule, which led to the formation of a 'Norman Ifrīqiya'. The short-lived Norman overlordship across Ifrīqiya was mainly recorded in the pages of medieval Muslim historians, conditioning the methodology used by its modern historians. !e study of Norman Ifrīqiya became possible thanks to a remarkable Muslim historiographic e"ort to explain Christian intervention in the a"airs of Ifrīqiya, underlining the historian's powerful role as arbiter. It is the Muslim historian who becomes the main narrator of Sicily's 'other Kingdom'. / MALTI: It-tmexxija Normanna ta'Sqallija begħdet l-ikbar gżira Mediterranja mid-dinja tal-Magreb, waqt li matul is-seklu tnax is-soċjetà tagħha nbidlet mill-qiegħ. Biss il-ħakma Normanna ma qatgħetx il-kummerċ, il-kuntatti politiċi u anke l-ambizzjonijiet militari tal-gżira fil-Magreb. It-talassokrazija Normanna f'nofs is-seklu tnax bniet għal xi żmien pont politiku bejn l-Ewropa u l-Afrika. Fl-era tal-kruċjati, il-mudell Palestinjan ta' tmexxija diretta nisranija f'art Musulmana, ma rnexxiex fiċ-ċentru tal-Mediterran. Dan l-artiklu jistħarreġ il-bidla minn kontroll informali għal tmexxija diretta, li wasslet għall-ħolqien ta' l-Ifrīqijja Normanna. It-tagħrif dwar in-Normanni fl-Ifrīqijja ġej prinċipalment minn kittieba Musulmani, fatt li jikkondizzjona l-metodoloġija ta'l-istoriċi moderni. L-istudju ta'l- Ifrīqijja Normanna jista' jsir bis-saħħa ta' l-istorjografija Musulmana, li tat is-setgħa lill-istoriku jagħżel kif jirrakkonta l-intervent nisrani f-Ifrīqijja. L-istoriku Musulman jieħu postu bħala n-narratur ewlieni ta' din is-'saltna l-oħra' ta' Sqallija.

The Norman conquest of Sicily detached the island from its North African framework, and a century of Latin Christian rule effectively transformed its society. But the island was not completely disconnected from the southern Mediterranean, as long term trade contacts, political links and military ambitions intervened to cast relations between the two sides. A Norman thalassocracy in the mid-12th century created a short-lived political bridge between Europe and Africa. In the age of the crusades, regional forces across the central Mediterranean could not be contained within the model of direct Christian rule experimented in the Latin east. The present chapter studies the transition from informal control to the establishment of direct rule, which led to the formation of a 'Norman Ifrīqiya'. The short-lived Norman overlordship across Ifrīqiya was mainly recorded in the pages of medieval Muslim historians, conditioning the methodology used by its modern historians. The study of Norman Ifrīqiya became possible thanks to a remarkable Muslim historiographic effort to explain Christian intervention in the affairs of Ifrīqiya, underlining the historian's powerful role as arbiter. It is the Muslim historian who becomes the main narrator of Sicily's 'other Kingdom'. ; peer-reviewed

'The Europe ofto-day', wrote Mazzini in his address To the Italians (1871) launching La Roma del Popolo, seeks 'like the Israelites in the desert, a promised land still unknown.' A recent biographer has applied to Mazzini 'the last words attributed to the medieval pope Gregory VIT: Dilexi justitia, odivi iniquitate, ergo in exilio moro (I loved justice and hated iniquity, hence I die in exile).' Like a latter day Hildebrand, 'Mazzini was Gregory's equal in lovingjustice, hating iniquity, and asserting his own righteousness. ' An inveterate high priest of republicanism, Mazzini held up as the quick fix for past and present injustices a universalist ideology which owed a lot to the man's interpretation of his country's past. Two days after Mazzini's death on 10 March 1872, The Times of London announced 'the death of a man who in his time has played a most singular part upon the theatre of European politics; one whose name has for years been regarded as a symbol of Revolution, or rather Republicanism; one in whose character there were many fine and noble qualities; but still a man who was feared even more widely than he was loved, and one whose departure from the scene of action, to say the least, will be no unwelcome news to several crowned and discrowned members of the family of European sovereigns. He was the man who ever 'troubled Israel' by his ceaseless efforts . ' The Prophet had failed to reach the 'Promised Land'. Prophets interpret what they claim to be God's will. Like a good prophet, with bible in hand, Mazzini claimed the right to advocate his people and the ability to help them shape a better future. Instead, the present work explores Mazzini's role as a prophet of the past - a romanticized golden age which he identified with the medieval commune, the closest form of republican government to his own blueprint for the 'Promised Land'. Mazzini was able to justify his warlike nationalist call for revolutionary struggle to liberate the motherland by promoting a retrospective form of nationalism. Preaching a republican form of liberty, Mazzini's argument from nature - that a free nation belonged to the natural order of things - was supported by the argument from history - that republican government was achievable because it was in the history books. The argument from nature was easier to make, as nationalists could make use of a fundamental human institution as a metaphor for the national community - namely, the family. ; peer-reviewed

MALTI: L-istorja ta' Sqallija mis-seklu disgħa sas-seklu tnax intisġet madwar sensiela ta' ġrajjiet li bidlulha darba għal dejjem il-karattru tagħha. Sakemm ħakmu l-gżira minn idejn il-Biżantini, l-Għarab damu mis-sena 827 sas-sena 902. Il-kontroll ta' l-ikbar gżira Mediterranja tahom is-setgħa li jikkolonizzawha, u dan wassal sabiex l-ilsien, it-twemmin u l-kultura tad-dinja Għarbija rabbew l-għeruq bis-saħħa tal-klassi ġdida mexxejja u ta' parti mdaqqsa mill-popolazzjoni li waslet hekk kif il-gżira saret parti minn Dar l-Islam. Madankollu, fi Sqallija tas-seklu ħdax kien għadhom jgħixu eluf ta' nsara Griegi, kif ukoll għadd imdaqqas ta' Lhud. Il-ħakma Normanna ta' Sqallija ġabet magħha bidla kbira fil-ġerarkija politika u soċjali tal-pajjiż. Minn tmiem is-seklu ħdax il-gżira ssieħbet ma' l-Ewropa Latina, u dan nissel tibdil mill-qiegħ fl-istrutturi tal-ħajja u fl-identitajiet individwali u kollettivi ta' sa differenti. Fis-seklu tnax Sqallija kellha sehem ewlieni fit-tfassil tas-Saltna Normanna, u l-belt ewlenija tagħha, Palermo, nbidlet minn metropoli Gharbija f'belt kapitali rjali. Dan l-istudju qasir jifli l-iżviluppi li seħħew taħt in-Normanni, u jingħaqad ma' storiċi ta' żmienna li leħħnu dubji dwar il-kwadru pożittiv ta' tolleranza reliġjuża u etnika fl-istorjograja tradizzjonali ta' Sqallija minn Ruġġieru II sa Federiku II. Minflok, qegħdin joħorġu iżjed ċari t-tensjonijiet u l-firdiet bejn komunitajiet differenti Sqallin skond twemmin reliġjuż u nisel etniku. Sa nofs is-seklu tlettax, il-popolazzjoni Musulmana ta' Sqallija kienet għebet għal kollox, bl-aħħar ftit eluf itturufnati fil-belt ta' Lucera; fil-waqt li l-kultura nisranija Griega ġiet imwarrba, u l-Għarbi baqa' mitkellem biss mill-minoranza Lhudija, flimkien man-nies ta' Malta, Għawdex u Pantellerija. L-iSqalli ta' tmiem is-seklu tlettax ftit li xejn kellu x'jaqsam ma' l-imgħoddi Għarbi tal-gżira, bħallikieku l-istorja ta' Sqallija bdiet fl-1091.